Few myths are as persistent as the myth that Communism and Nazism are not the same thing. Commentators at the time noted the silliness of this imaginary distinction, as I note in my new book, Sinisterism: Secular Religion of the Lie. I observed this personally three decades ago when I worked with Iranian students who loved Marxism and Nazism, who thought Hitler and Stalin were heroes, who did not deny the Holocaust or the Gulag.
Few myths are as persistent as the myth that Communism and Nazism are not the same thing. Commentators at the time noted the silliness of this imaginary distinction, as I note in my new book, Sinisterism: Secular Religion of the Lie. I observed this personally three decades ago when I worked with Iranian students who loved Marxism and Nazism, who thought Hitler and Stalin were heroes, who did not deny the Holocaust or the Gulag.
Jan Valtain in his 1942 book, Out of the Night, describes his career as one of the most important Communists in Germany or, indeed, around Europe. The book published in America while the Soviet Union was an ally of America described his torture by the Nazis and his complete disillusionment with Bolshevism. It describes in details the direct collaboration between the Nazi Party and the Communist Party in the 1930s. The Communists, for example, sent a courier to the Nazi Party in the spring of 1932 asking the Nazis to collaborate with them in breaking the Transport Worker’s Union conference and the two groups, Nazis and Communists, did just that. On another occasion the Nazis sent a request to the Communist Party of the Social Democrats and the Communists obliged, sitting side by side with the Nazis in the front row before interrupting Lettow Vorbeck, yelling obscenities, throwing stink bombs and itching power, and releasing large number of white mice in the crowds. Dimitrov even ordered Communists to vote with Nazis to oust the Social Democrat Party in Prussia, which the Communists did.
In a 1936 entry from her book, Let The Record Speak, Dorothy Thompson wrote that it was vital to keep reminding readers of the revolutionary character of Nazism, and that the façade that Nazism somehow represented law and order, compared to revolutionary politics, was too often accepted in free countries. So goes on to say that when people are asked to choose between Nazism and Bolshevism, they should increasingly ask “To choose what?” Thompson notes that both systems are collectivist, and that men like Dr. Goebbels, do not hesitate to publicly embrace socialism, and that Nazi Germany most resembled Bolshevik Russia than any other state and later in her book, Thompson predicts the non-aggression pact. The next year Freund wrote that the Nazis were training the German people in collectivism which was very similar to Soviet collectivism, and he, too, noted that possibility of a Nazi-Soviet alliance.
Dorothy Thompson, in a short book written a full year before the non-aggression pact and the invasion of Poland, entitled Dorothy Thompson’s Political Guide, describes the situation about as well as anyone. As many others do, Thompson notes that Fascism, Nazism, and Communism are all forms of collectivism and that although a great many people believe that there was a war going on between Fascism and Communism, that this theory of a war between the two was invented by Fascists and Communists and that the Communists and Fascists were fighting a phony struggle of ideals and that the forms of governments of Fascists and Communists were almost the same.
Fodor writes in his 1940 book, The Revolution is On!, that the three Sinisterist siblings of Nazism, Bolshevism and Fascism were reminiscent of gangsters during the Prohibition Era in the United Stats, who would fight each other for territory, but if the police became too violent against one gang, the others would join in a common war against the police. Fodor noted that all three totalitarian regimes elevated the State to supremacy, retained phony parliamentary systems, and suppressed opposition groups with great ruthlessness. Yet all three systems were socialist and collectivist, and also nationalistic, so that the best term for Fascists, Bolsheviks and Nazis was truly “National Socialism.”
That same year, Taylor wrote in Smash Hitler’s Internationale: “The strategy is to enlarge all the fissures in American unity, aggravate all the conflicts, political, social, economic and racial, that tend to divide us. The fifth column, or rather the fifth columns – Nazi, Fascist, Falangist, Japanese, Communist, and native Fascist or fellow traveler movements – wield the crowbar under direction from Berlin.”
Why is it so astounding to some people, then, that the Baathists and the other groups which hate each other unite so clearly in their greater hatred of the real enemy of all Communazis, all Sinisterists: Jews, Christians, America and Israel? Islamic terrorism, in its myriad and often confusing forms, is simply a continuation of Sinisterism, railing against the nonexistent “exploiters” and “imperialists,” making common cause, as Fascists, Bolsheviks and Nazis once did, against their common enemy: reverence for truth and for life.
Bruce Walker has been a published author in print and in electronic media since 1990. He is a regular contributor to WebCommentary, Conservative Truth, American Daily, Enter Stage Right, Intellectual Conservative, NewsByUs and MenÕs News Daily. His first book, Sinisterism: Secular Religion of the Lie by Outskirts Press was published in January 2006.
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